The Democratic Challenge in the Classroom: How to Educate in Times of Distrust?
Table of Contents
In the last few years, several international studies have warned of a worrying trend: new generations show a growing disaffection towards democratic systems. This situation reflects a record level of dissatisfaction with democracy in many countries, especially among the young population, which poses an urgent challenge for the education system. Faced with this reality, the question arises: what is the role of schools in the formation of involved and conscious democratic citizens?
This text offers a brief critical review of key findings from recent research and reflects on their pedagogical implications for primary and secondary education teachers. Its aim is to contribute to the promotion of a critical, transformative, and effective education for democracy—one that is capable of addressing current challenges and strengthening the civic engagement of new generations within the classroom.
1. Understanding the Problem
As noted, various international studies are warning of growing distrust toward democracy, especially among younger population. This concern is not limited to academic circles; the media has also echoed these warnings. For example, in the last year the Spanish press has published several articles referring to international and national studies. In addition to presenting the most relevant research data, these articles also include teachers’ reflections on what they observe daily in the classroom.
One of the studies that illustrate the decline in democratic trust among young people is the one carried out by the Pew Research Center (2024, February 28). This study reveals that in a sample of 24 countries, a median of 59% of citizens express dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy. This discontent is particularly high in countries like France, Greece, and Spain and has intensified since 2017. Specifically, dissatisfaction rates reach 66% in France, 74% in Greece, and 68% in Spain.
Negative perceptions are more pronounced among those who consider their national economy is performing poorly, highlighting the connection between economic stability and democratic legitimacy. In Germany, 57% of the population say they are dissatisfied with the functioning of democracy, while in Poland the figure rises to 63%. In Estonia and Finland, dissatisfaction is lower (34% and 29% respectively), suggesting that democratic trust remains stronger where institutional and economic quality is more robust. In Ireland, dissatisfaction stands at 44%, a moderate figure compared to other European countries.
In addition, the Pew Research Center report (2024, March 13) indicates that there is broad support for reforming the democratic system through direct participation tools: 76% of respondents in the 24 countries support binding referendums as a means of decision-making, and 68% support participatory budgeting. This evidence reinforces the hypothesis that, although dissatisfaction with representative democracy is high, there is a significant willingness to improve it rather than leave it.
This pattern is not unique to Europe. In Latin America, according to Latinobarómetro (2023), 48% of the population supports democracy, but 70% say they are dissatisfied with its functioning. In the United States, the Pew Research Center (2024, February 28) indicates that 58% of young people aged 18 to 29 feel “not very or not at all satisfied” with democracy, although a majority still prefer it over other systems. This supports the idea that the discontent is global and that young people are not rejecting democracy itself but rather the current ways in which it is practiced.
Another key study is the Global Satisfaction with Democracy Report by the Centre for the Future of Democracy at the University of Cambridge (Foa et al., 2020). This report analyses data from nearly 4 million people since 1973 and shows a steady growth in democratic dissatisfaction worldwide, reaching 57.5% in 2019. The trend is especially alarming among youth aged 18 to 34, whose disaffection has grown more than any other age group. The research identifies key contributing factors such as job insecurity, lack of social mobility, and the perception that the political system does not address their needs.
The study also notes that in countries where populist governments have emerged, a temporary increase in satisfaction with democracy among young people has been observed. However, this effect is often short-lived and does not solve the underlying structural problems, raising questions about the sustainability of these political models.
A third key factor is the loss of the stigma associated with authoritarianism and the extreme right. Historical memory of dictatorial regimes appears to be weakening among new generations, leading to less symbolic resistance to illiberal discourses. This normalization of extremism poses a real risk to long-term democratic stability.
One illustrative example comes from the latest survey by the Institute of Political and Social Sciences (ICPS), which since 1989 has continuously analysed the opinion of the Catalan census through household interviews in Catalonia (Spain). The survey has been reported in several articles in the national press: Pérez (2025), Lamor (2025), or Hinajosa (2025). The data reveal that 35% of young Catalans aged between 18 and 24 would accept a dictatorship ‘under certain circumstances’, while 16% of men under 25 would prefer an authoritarian regime.
This is revealing in a country like Spain, which next November will mark 40 years since the end of its dictatorship. These figures show that the appeal of non-democratic alternatives is not marginal and is linked to frustration caused by precariousness, social exclusion, and the feeling that the system does not guarantee well-being or representation.
Moreover, the phenomenon is amplified in the digital environment. According to the latest European Youth Survey (2025), 42% of Europeans aged 16–30 rely mainly on platforms such as TikTok, Instagram and YouTube to access news about politics and social issues, which exposes them to misinformation and echo chambers that distort democratic debate. Fundación BBVA (2025) also notes that platforms like TikTok, X, and Instagram generate high levels of distrust even among their most frequent users, revealing a contradiction that does not support the development of civic culture.
Finally, Lamor (2025) reports that among the concepts considered most threatening to democracy by the general population, the top three are fake news (83.7%), the far right (81.7%), and economic inequality (79.2%). These figures come from the latest ICPS survey.
In this context, the elDiario.es article by González (2024) includes valuable reflections by Spanish teachers who observe how these trends manifest in the classroom. Teachers interviewed note that many students show a growing indifference or apathy towards traditional content on democracy and politics, evidencing a disconnection between what is taught and the experiences they live. According to one secondary school teacher, “students arrive with preconceived ideas, often with frustration or disillusionment, which are not resolved by theory alone”.
Moreover, these teachers warn of the difficulty of counteracting the influence of polarised discourse and misinformation on social media, which undermine the development of sound critical thinking. These insights align with those collected from other educators through interviews and workshops conducted as part of the DEMOCRAT project in Spain.
In this way, teachers emphasize the need to renew educational practices to make them more meaningful and connected to students’ realities, fostering open dialogue, critical reflection, and active participation as pillars of democracy in the classroom.
2. Why is it happening?
The democratic disaffection among young people is not a casual phenomenon, but the result of structural processes. First, the economic crises of 2008 and 2020 (COVID-19) have left a deep impact on young people, generating job insecurity, frustration over the lack of opportunities, and distrust toward institutions. Youth also identify social inequality and corruption as major threats to democracy, further eroding democratic trust. These life experiences undermine the perception that democracy can offer real solutions—something that increasingly surfaces in the classroom.
Second, the rise of social media has changed the ways in which people are informed and participate. Overexposure to polarised discourse, misinformation and the trivialisation of political debates contribute to a superficial or cynical view of democracy. Moreover, digital environments reinforce ideological bubbles that hinder the development of critical and dialogical citizenship. These dynamics also affect how students engage in the classroom, where it becomes harder to sustain open dialogue and nuanced discussion.
Third, as the teachers interviewed point out, this disaffection is already evident in the classroom: interest in institutional politics is low, and when it is discussed in class, it is often perceived as foreign or even suspicious. Many students associate politics with corruption, inefficiency or imposition, and express little faith in their ability to influence public decisions. This perception generates an emotional distance that makes it more difficult to mobilise young people in civic matters. Teachers, for their part, express concern about the difficulty of generating plural and respectful debates, and about the influence of simplistic discourses circulating on social media. These frustrations materialise directly in the classroom dynamic.
From an educational perspective, this context calls for a clear reaction. If schools do not reinforce the meaning and values of democracy, other discourses can occupy this space with authoritarian or exclusionary proposals. Educating for democracy cannot be limited to curricular content; it must involve daily practices, meaningful experiences and a school culture consistent with democratic principles, all of which must come alive in the classroom.
3. What can be done? Four practical proposals
The testimonies of teachers collected by the DEMOCRAT team in Spain, as well as by González (2024), reflect that students’ disaffection and disconnection with democratic content cannot be resolved through theoretical explanations alone. A renewed pedagogical approach that engages with their experiences and emotions is needed. Based on these reflections, the following practical proposals aim to make education for democracy more effective and meaningful in the classroom:
3.1. Work on historical memory and contextualisation of the present
As teachers point out, many students are unaware of the importance and value of historical democracy. Integrating direct testimonies, documentaries, visits to places of memory or analyses of 20th century totalitarianism can help to build critical awareness and a commitment to democratic values. Contextualisation should also include current issues such as inequality or hate speech, so that students connect past and present. This contextual work belongs squarely in the classroom.
3.2. Promote reasoned debate and respect for diverse opinions
Teachers warn of the difficulty in countering students’ preconceived notions and frustration. Creating regular opportunities for debate, assemblies, and collaborative projects that promote active listening and respectful dialogue is essential to develop civic and emotional skills that build democratic trust and responsibility. These experiences should take place regularly in the classroom to build democratic confidence.
3.3. Educating in critical thinking and media literacy
The impact of misinformation and digital echo chambers, mentioned by teachers, makes it imperative that media literacy is a cross-cutting theme in the curriculum. Teaching students to identify hoaxes, bias and manipulation fosters intellectual autonomy and more informed and reflective participation. This training belongs not only in specialised subjects but across all areas of the classroom experience.
3.4. Promote experiences of real participation
Teachers stress that theory alone is insufficient; students need to experience real democratic practices in school and community settings. Participation in school councils, solidarity projects, participatory budgeting, or volunteer work allows young people to live democracy as practice, reinforcing their sense of belonging and voice. These participatory experiences must be reflected within the classroom to create a full democratic learning environment.
These proposals, aligned with teachers’ voices, show that education for democracy must be active, critical and connected to students’ daily lives in order to face the challenges posed by growing distrust. It is worth noting that these proposals are being piloted in classrooms through the DEMOCRAT pilot projects, which are offering structured ways to build democracy through the classroom itself.
Certainly—here is the final part of the article, with additional insertions of “the classroom” to reach the target keyword density, and with no other changes made:
4. Conclusion
The growing democratic disaffection among younger generations is neither isolated nor temporary, but rather a symptom of a deeper political, social, and economic crisis. The data collected in international and national studies, as well as the voices of teachers in the classroom, show us that this situation must be addressed urgently and responsibly from all spheres, especially education.
Rather than resigning ourselves to these challenges, we should recognize them as an opportunity to rethink and revitalize the role of schools as spaces for citizenship education. Educating for democracy today involves much more than transmitting formal knowledge about institutions and rights; it requires building an educational experience that makes justice, participation, respect and democratic coexistence tangible in the daily lives of students—especially in the classroom.
Teachers’ reflections reveal that students come to class with concerns, frustrations, and, in many cases, distrust of the political system. Therefore, the teaching commitment must include not only content delivery but also the creation of safe spaces for critical dialogue, collective reflection, and participatory action. These practices must happen visibly and consistently in the classroom.
Moreover, media literacy and critical thinking must play a central role in this educational task. The ability to discern reliable information and to critically analyse public discourse is key to countering the misinformation and populism that threaten democratic stability. These skills must be taught and practised regularly in the classroom, embedded in both content and culture.
Finally, it is essential to encourage real experiences of participation that allow students to experience the value and power of democracy first-hand, moving beyond mere theory and building trust in their potential as active citizens. These lived experiences of democratic engagement begin in the classroom, where small actions can foster long-term attitudes.
The DEMOCRAT project is working to collect tools to support educators in facing these challenges and in forming conscious, critical, and engaged generations capable of sustaining and renewing democracy in the future. In times of democratic uncertainty, the classroom can and must become a beacon of hope, dialogue, and social transformation.
References
Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). (2024). Estudio nº 3490: Participación Política en España. Madrid: CIS.
Corporación Latinobarómetro. (2023). Informe Latinobarómetro 2023: La recesión democrática de América Latina. Santiago de Chile: Corporación Latinobarómetro. https://latinobarometro.org/lat.jsp
Foa, R. S., Klassen, A., Slade, M., Rand, A., & Collins, R. (2020). The Global Satisfaction with Democracy Report 2020. Centre for the Future of Democracy, University of Cambridge.
Foa, R. S., Klassen, A., Wenger, D., Rand, A. & Slade, M. (2020, October). Youth and Satisfaction with Democracy: Reversing the Democratic Disconnect? Cambridge Centre for the Future of Democracy.
Fundación BBVA. (2025). Estudio sobre confianza social y redes digitales. https://www.fbbva.es
González, I. (2024, June 21). ¿Los jóvenes ya no temen una dictadura? Claves del declive de la confianza en la democracia en las nuevas generaciones. elDiario.es. https://www.eldiario.es/politica/jovenes-no-temen-dictadura-claves-declive-confianza-democracia-nuevas-generaciones_1_12131368.html
Hinojosa, S. (2025, February 16). Jóvenes desencantados con la democracia. La Vanguardia. https://www.lavanguardia.com/politica/20250216/10384481/jovenes-desencantados-democracia.html
Lamor, M. (2025, February 12). Desapego con la democracia y más límites a la inmigración: los valores de extrema derecha crecen entre los hombres catalanes menores de 25 años. El País. https://elpais.com/espana/catalunya/2025-02-12/desapego-con-la-democracia-y-mas-limites-a-la-inmigracion-los-valores-de-extrema-derecha-crecen-entre-los-hombres-catalanes-menores-de-25-anos.html
Pew Research Center. (2024, February 28). Representative Democracy Remains a Popular Ideal, but People Around the World Are Critical of How It’s Working. https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2024/02/28/global-public-opinion-in-a-time-of-democratic-uncertainty/
Silver, L., Fagan, M., Huang, C., Clancy, L., Chavda, J., & Mandapat, J. C. (2024, March 13). How People in 24 Countries Think Democracy Can Improve. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2024/03/13/how-people-in-24-countries-think-democracy-can-improve/
Pérez, M. (2025, February 16). La tentación autoritaria atrapa a los jóvenes. El País. https://elpais.com/espana/catalunya/2025-02-16/la-tentacion-autoritaria-atrapa-a-los-jovenes-mas-del-35-de-los-catalanes-de-entre-18-y-24-anos-aceptaria-una-dictadura.html
European Commission. (2024). EP Youth Survey 2024. Standard Eurobarometer 102: Public Opinion in the European Union. https://europa.eu/eurobarometer/api/deliverable/download/file?deliverableId=96862
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